The war against public corruption took one on the chin this week as prosecutors lost their go-to weapon in the prosecution of suspected corrupt politicians and greedy corporate CEO’s. The “Honest Services” mail fraud statute, 18 United States Code, section 1346, was ruled unconstitutional as it applied in cases other than those that involved direct bribery or kickback schemes. “Honest services” mail fraud added a wide dimension to the universe of actions that violate the already broad proscriptions of federal mail fraud law. Essentially, for those of you who are not crooked pols or have not served on a federal jury, mail fraud is the use of the mails to aid a scheme or artifice to defraud another of something tangible; for example, money, stocks or other types of property. Get involved in some fraudulent scheme and you are probably violating a state law somewhere. Put a stamp on a letter in furtherance of the scheme and drop it at the Post Office and you are now a potential federal felon.
Over many years Congress has attempted to ease the prosecution of public corruption cases by trying to recognize that citizens have an intangible right to the honest services of those whom they elect– certainly, a laudable effort. The problem is that laws need to provide specific notice of the conduct they prohibit. The first attempt at expanding mail fraud to include “honest services” was ruled unconstitutional as overly broad and vague by the Supreme Court. Congress tried again. The amended law produced substantial debate by legal scholars and judges. The Supremes were asked to weigh in again. 
After I handled a major public corruption trial, one in which I had the opportunity to study “honest services” mail fraud in great detail, my buddy, Andy Thibault the journalist, approached me about collaborating on a book detailing public corruption cases. This was not going to be some tell-all about my client; rather we wanted to chronicle what appeared to be a growing incidence of such prosecutions. In particular we planned to comment on the use of RICO (Racketeering) and Mail Fraud in corruption cases. The problem, however, was that there is truly an epidemic of corruption cases. Many were warranted, and others were witch hunts. It would have morphed into an encyclopedia, and the idea ended up in the pile of “things to do someday!”
So why shouldn’t we demand honest services from our elected officials? We should; but laws that prescribe and punish conduct have to be narrow and specific. The risk from a vague law is that it sweeps into its ambit honest people who never intended to commit crimes. As written, the “honest services” statute also applied to conflict of interest situations. While it is laudable to require that pols avoid possible conflicts of interest, in the absence of a specific quid pro quo (something bargained for and given in exchange), public officials should not be jailed for such conflicts. In the post-Watergate era, journalists and the electorate are the better tools to weed out those whose judgment is compromised by a conflict of interest.
Public corruption is insidious; but, using vague laws to combat it casts too wide a net. Now the issue that will occupy federal courts will be who gets the benefit of this new ruling. Do we open the jails and release dozens of corrupt public officials and corporate magnates? That is unlikely. The law will apply to those who have raised the issue already in their pending cases or on their appeals. For those whose convictions were affirmed and whose appeals have ended, they will remain convicted “honest services” felons.
Rich Meehan is a senior partner in the law firm of Meehan, Meehan & Gavin, LLP, Bridgeport, Conn. For more information on Rich or his firm go to www.meehanlaw.com or www.ctdentalmalpracticelawyer.com, or e-mail Rich at rtm@meehanlaw.com
















