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UConn recruit Stevie Clark to be featured on MTV

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Stevie Clark, one of the nation’s premier high school point guards, will be featured on an MTV special titled “Nothing but Net.” The show, which airs June 10, contains footage filmed during Clark’s junior season of high school.

Clark is currently mulling over scholarship offers from 25-30 Division I programs , his mother, Dorshell, told the Hearst Connecticut Media Group last week. UConn is among the frontrunners, largely due to Clark’s relationship with assistant coach Kevin Ollie.

Ranked as the No. 11 point guard in the class of 2013, Clark could reclassify, graduate this spring and be on a college campus next season. Clark’s high school — Douglass High in Oklahoma City — is hiring a new coach, and the move will play a role in Clark’s decision to return to high school or attend college.

Dorshell Clark said her son’s decision will be made by the first week of June.

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  1. Rubinho says:

    . When Conservative Prime Minister Robert Peel broke his campaign prmsoie to oppose free trade, Disraeli condemned his betrayal in a speech that would become a classic in parliamentary history. The government fell and the party disintegrated. From its ruins, Disraeli built the modern Conservative Party. To outflank the Liberals with their merchant support, Disraeli reached out to the working class. Along with fellow Tory, Lord Shaftesbury, the great 19th century social reformer who led the long battle for the 10-hour workday, he championed the rights of workers. Children at four were working in the mines. There were no limits to the hours of work. Life expectancy in working class areas was 21 years. The Liberals and factory owners argued against any regulation. Young people were learning a useful work ethic, they maintained. In power, Disraeli regulated the hours of work and legislated protection for unions and the environment. “Power has only one duty,” he declared, “to secure the social welfare of the people.” According to Alex Macdonald, an early Labour MP, Disraeli did more for the working class in five years than the Liberals had in 50. “The dream of my life,” Disraeli explained, “was to re-establish Toryism on a national foundation.” His guiding principles — “to elevate the condition of the people” and “maintain the institutions of the country” — stand in stark contrast to Manning’s call to dismantle ever more national infrastructure. In Canada, as in Britain, the Conservatives are the nation’s oldest political party. Created by John A. Macdonald and George-Etienne Cartier, the party achieved Confederation against the vehement opposition of the Rouges, forerunners of the Liberal Party, some of whom argued for union with the United States. The Conservatives refused to allow the entry of U.S. railways, and faced down a campaign by American rail owners to overthrow their government. The idea of building an all-Canadian railroad to British Columbia was vehemently opposed by the Liberals: How could a new country of four million inhabitants prmsoie to build the world’s greatest railway? they asked. If built, it should at least follow the cheaper, easier route south of the Great Lakes and the contracts be awarded to U.S. business. “Never,” replied Cartier, “will a damned American company have control of the CPR.” Manitoba, then British Columbia and the entire northwest entered Canada and the railroad was built. While Mr. Manning claims a conservative believes in wide-open borders, Canada’s great Conservative leaders were adamant in their opposition to free trade with the United States. The idea was, Macdonald said, “sheer insanity” that would have “as its inevitable result, annexation.” How could Canada keep its political independence after it had thrown away its economic independence, he asked. Cartier was no less blunt. “What will be the consequences of industrial reciprocity?” he asked. “The factories of Canada will lose the advantages they now possess and eventually the largest manufacturing industries will be concentrated in the U.S.” The end result would be union of the two countries, “that is to say, our annihilation as a nation.” In 1911, the Liberals, under Wilfrid Laurier, negotiated a free-trade agreement with the United States. The Conservatives, under Robert Borden, defeated it. “Laurier,” Borden said, “was calling for a greater Canada, but it seemed to be a greater United States the Liberals had achieved.” Contrary to Mr. Manning’s view that government’s role is to stay out of the economy, Robert Borden and his interior minister, Arthur Meighen, nationalized five railway systems to create the CNR. Meighen’s successor as Conservative leader, R.B. Bennett, likewise had no fear of government enterprises and believed they could be efficient. Corporations, he said, are creations of Parliament and Parliament can regulate them. Kicking off his 1927 leadership campaign, Bennett said: “The first thing we must do in this country is build up a strong national consciousness — a virile Canadianism — we have suffered from an inferiority complex long enough.” In power from 1930 to 1935, Bennett introduced the CBC, the Canadian Wheat Board and the Bank of Canada, the institution that allowed Canada to finance its entire Second World War effort without borrowing abroad. In direct opposition to Mr. Manning’s postulation that a conservative believes smaller government is better government, Bennett said, “Reform means government intervention. It means government control and regulation. It means the end of laissez-faire.” He described the Conservative Party as being “for the greatest good, for the greatest number of people,” and was labelled “a Tory of the Left.” The Conservatives under John Bracken and George Drew moved right, adopted a business orientation and were largely unsuccessful at the polls. In 1956, however, John Diefenbaker won the leadership and moved the party sharply left — and to victory. He called on Canadians “to take a clear stand in opposition to economic continentalism” and the “baneful effects of foreign ownership.” Condemned as a “prairie Bolshevik,” he replied: “To those who label me as some kind of party maverick and have claimed that I have been untrue to the great principles of the Conservative Party, I can only reply that they have forgotten the traditions of Disraeli and Shaftesbury in Britain and Macdonald in Canada.” In 1983, Brian Mulroney strongly opposed John Crosbie’s proposal for free trade with the United States. He was swept to power. In office, however, Mr. Mulroney reversed his views, broke the Conservative Party’s historic position and ushered in the North American free-trade agreement. In 1993, the party was dealt the most dramatic repudiation in a western democracy, and was reduced to two seats. When the Conservative Party adheres to its people-come-first roots, its following is strong. Each time it loses its sense of nationhood, moves too far right and adopts a narrow business agenda — exactly the stance being advocated by Preston Manning today — the party itself loses, too. Mr. Manning’s affection for a survival-of-the-fittest society is not conservatism; it is classic liberalism. The environmental movement, based upon the impulse to preserve, is a conservative idea. The liberal free-market model, which Mr. Manning preaches, ridicules and opposes this impulse, slashing national institutions, escalating the clear cutting of our forests, the genetic manipulation of our agriculture and food supply, recklessly revolutionizing without regard for the consequences. The Disraeli/Macdonald concept of preservation and the public good are polar opposites to this view, as is the very definition of conservatism. Mr. Manning’s so-called Canadian Alliance attempts to import directly from the United States a brand of right-wing evangelism, package it with a Canadian name and declare the product to be Canadian conservatism. But the United States has no conservative party — its political tradition is an expressed reaction against conservatism — and it doesn’t belong here. Preston Manning’s movement falls well short of the values Canadian conservatvies cherish. The older, deeper pro-Canadian conservatism that elevates the condition of the people, as Disraeli put it, is tried and proven conservatism. It is the key to the victory of the Conservative Party at the polls and to our survival as a sovereign nation.